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SAQIFA EVENT IN FULL.
[ Note : - Shia Muslims claim that in 632 C.E. Prophet Muhammad appointed Ali as his successor at Ghadir. Prophet died 3 months later. The power hungry disciples carried out a secret coup. Ali was deprived of his right. They moved to take over power. This is an account by Dr Jafri regarding the events following the death of Holy Prophet Muhammad. He gives details about a plot to take over political power from Ali, the legitimate heir designated by the Prophet. Dr Jafri uses ancient books that tell us about the Saqifa Plan that resulted in the installation of Abu Bakr as the first ruler of muslims. Below is an edited extract from Dr Jafri’s book.]
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ORIGINS OF SHIA ISLAM
By Dr Jafri [abridged version]
Islam in general has been subject to numerous studies,
but Shia Islam has received insufficient attention, except heresay
founded on political and economic considerations.
A more reliable basis for research maybe found in the historical texts.
My aim is to present the how leadership appeared after
the Prophet's death, based on testimony of the historical sources.
Conceptual Foundations
In this series of events, the famous but
controversial tradition of Ghadir Khum, upon which the
shia place the utmost importance, has been intentionally
ignored. This event is named after a place called Ghadir
Khum, a pool or a marsh with some shady trees, situated only
a few miles from Mecca on the road to Medina , from where
people disperse to their different destinations.
When Muhammad was returning from his Farewell Pilgrimage he stopped
at Ghadir Khum on 18 Dhul-Hijja (I8 March 632) to make
an announcement to the pilgrims who accompanied him
from Mecca and who were to disperse from this junction. By
the orders of the Prophet, a special dais or pulpit made of
branches of the trees was erected for him. After the noon
prayer the Prophet sat on the pulpit and made his last public
address to the largest gathering before his death three months
later. Taking Ali by the hand, Muhammad asked his
followers whether he was not superior in authority and
person (awla) to the believers themselves. The crowd cried
out in one voice: "It is so, O Apostle of God." He then declared:
"He of whom I am the mawla [the patron, master, leader,
Friend?], of him Ali is also the mawla (man kuntu mawlahu fa
Ali-un mawlahu). O God, be the friend of him who is his
friend, and be the enemy of him who is his enemy (Allahumma
wali man walahu wa adi man adahu)."
Conservative sunni authorities, which have recorded this event are:
Ahmad b. Hanbal in his Musnad, Tirmidhi, Nasai, Ibn Maja,
And Abu Daud. [Professor Veccia Vaglieri mentions exact references]
Disagreement is in the meaning of the word mawla used
by the Prophet. The shias unequivocally take the word
in the meaning of leader, master, and patron, and therefore
the explicitly nominated successor of the Prophet.
The sunnis, on the other hand, interpret the word mawla
in the meaning of a friend, or the nearest kin and confidant.
In conclusion, the idea that the question of the succession
was primarily religious, rather than merely political, the
popular notion of the hereditary sanctity of the Banu Hashim,
coupled with the events which took place during the lifetime
of the Prophet in favour of Ali; led to the crystallization of a
point of view concerning the succession to the leadership of
the community in which a number of Muhammad's Com-
panions felt that Ali was the most suitable person to keep the
covenant intact. In the heated debates of the Saqifa incident,
right after the Prophet's death, these Companions did not
hesitate to voice their opinions. The resulting disagreement,
to which we now turn, marks the beginning of what was
eventually to develop into a permanent division of the Umma
into sunni and shia.
Saqifa: The First Manifestations
Before narrating Umar's speech, Ibn Ishaq opens with an
introduction, without isn4d, which can be found in Baladhuri
on the authority of Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ayyub from
Ibrahim b. Sad from Ibn Ishaq from Zuhri. It reads as follows:
"When the Apostle died, this clan of the Ansar gathered round Sad bin Ubada in the hall of Banu Saida; and Ali and az-Zubayr ibn al-Awwam and Talha bin Ubayd Allah separated themselves in Fatima's house while the rest of the Muhajirun gathered round Abu Bakr accompanied by Usayd bin Hudayr with the Banu Abdul-Ashhal. Then someone came to Abu Bakr and Umar telling them that this clan of the Ansar had gathered round Sad in the hall (Saqifa) of Banu Saida: 'If you want to have command of the people, then take it before their action becomes serious.' Now [the dead body of] the Apostle was still in his house, the burial arrangements not having been completed, and his family had locked the door of the house. Umar said, 'I said to Abu Bakr, let us go to these our brothers of the Ansar to see what they are doing'."
After this Ibn Ishaq records Umar's famous speech, for
which the chain of transmitters has been examined in each of
our sources above. Passing over those parts which do not deal
with the Saqifa, it reads:
"In connection with these events [selection of Abu Bakr] Abd Allah bin Abu Bakr told me from Ibn Shihab Az-Zuhri from Ubayd Allah bin Abd Allah bin Utba bin Masud, from Abd Allah ibn Abbas who said, 'I was waiting for Abd ar-Rahman ibn Awf in his station in Mini while he was with Umar in the last pilgrimage which Umar performed. When he [Abd ar-Rahman] returned he found me [Abd Allah ibn Abbas] waiting, for I was teaching him to read the Quran. Abd ar-Rahman said to me: "I wish you could have seen a man who came to the Commander of the Faithful [Umar] and said: O Commander of the Faithful, would you like a man who said 'By God, if Umar were dead I would do fealty to so-and-so'?" Fealty given to Abu Bakr was an unpremeditated affair (falta) and was ratified'."
Here we must point out that this speech, though recorded
by the vast majority of writers, includes neither the name of
the person who talked to Umar nor the name of the one to
whom he wished to pay fealty, except in Baladhuri, I, pp. 581,
582. In tradition No.1176 Baladhuri quotes Umar as saying
that the person speaking to Umar was Zubayr, and that the
person Zubayr wanted to hail as caliph was Ali. In tradition
No. 1181, Baladhuri gives only one name: "Umar delivered
a sermon in which he said that 'so-and-so says if Umar dies
we Will pay our homage (baya`na) to Ali. "'Baladhuri's report
can be confirmed by later writers such as Ibn Abi '1-Hadid,
who gives the name of Ali on the authority of al-Jahiz 54 It is,
however, of great importance to note that it was Ali's name
which caused Umar to deliver such an important and fiery speech:
Umar was angry [when he heard this) and said, "God willing, I shall get up among the men tonight and warn them against those who desire to usurp power over them."
I (Abd ar-Rahman) said, do not do it, Commander of the Faithful, for the festival brings together the riff-raff and the lowest of the people; they are the ones who will be in the majority in your proximity [assembly] when you stand among the people. I fear lest you should stand and say something which they will repeat everywhere, not understanding what you say or interpreting it correctly; so wait until you come to Medina, for it is the home of the Sunna and you can confer privately with the jurists (fuqaha) and the nobles of the people. You can say what you like and the jurists will understand what you say and interpret it properly. Umar replied: "By God, if He wills, I will do so as soon as I reachMedina ."
We came toMedina at the end of Dhul-Hijja and on the Friday, I (Ibn Abbas) returned [to the mosque] quickly when the sun had set. Umar sat on the pulpit, and when the muezzins were silent he praised God, as was fitting, and said: "Today I am about to say to you something which God has willed that I should say and I do not know whether perhaps it is my last utterance. He who understands and heeds it let him take it with him wherever he goes; and as for him who fears that he will not understand it, he may not deny that I said it. I have heard that someone [Zubayr] said: If Umar were dead I would do fealty to so-and-so [Ali]. Do not let a man deceive himself by saying that acceptance of Abu Bakr was a hasty mistake (falta) which was ratified. Admittedly it was that, but God averted the evil of it. There is none among you to whom people would devote themselves as they did to Abu Bakr. He who accepts a man as ruler without consulting the Muslims, such acceptance has no validity for either of them: and they are subject to death [punishment.] What happened was that when God took away His Prophet [from among us], the Ansar opposed us and gathered with their leaders in the Saqifa [hall] of Banu Saida, and Ali and az-Zubayr and their companions [and those who were their supporters] withdrew from us, while the Muhajirun gathered to Abu Bakr."
I (Abd ar-Rahman) said, do not do it, Commander of the Faithful, for the festival brings together the riff-raff and the lowest of the people; they are the ones who will be in the majority in your proximity [assembly] when you stand among the people. I fear lest you should stand and say something which they will repeat everywhere, not understanding what you say or interpreting it correctly; so wait until you come to Medina, for it is the home of the Sunna and you can confer privately with the jurists (fuqaha) and the nobles of the people. You can say what you like and the jurists will understand what you say and interpret it properly. Umar replied: "By God, if He wills, I will do so as soon as I reach
We came to
From Umar's own statement, it is clear that there was
serious opposition to Abu Bakr's candidacy not only from the
Ansar, but also from Ali and his supporters. Thus, no sooner
had the news of Muhammad's death come out than the Ansar
of Medina , undoubtedly fearful of Meccan domination and
perhaps aware of their designs, hastily assembled in the
Saqifa Banu Saida to elect a leader from among themselves.
Umar b. al-Khattab, upon hearing people saying that
Muhammad was dead, stood and furiously remonstrated that
the Prophet could not die. Claiming that Muhammad had
simply disappeared for a time, he threatened he would kill
anyone who claimed that Muhammad was dead. Abu Bakr,
who had been at his house in Sunh, a suburb of Medina , then
arrived on the scene. Hearing Umar's altercations, he went
straight into the Prophet's house. Discovering that Muham-
mad had passed away, Abu Bakr came back and confirmed
his death to the people gathered around Umar.
At this point we have three different versions. The first
reports that when Abu Bakr was addressing the people, an
informant came and told him and Umar about the Ansar's
meeting in the Saqifa. Both Abu Bakr and Umar, along with
those around them, then rushed to the Saqifa. This version
must be rejected on the simple grounds that Abu Ubayda b.
al-Jarrah does not appear anywhere in this tradition, contra-
dicting all other reports, where he is one of the three most
important persons in the whole drama.
The second version reports that after confirming the
death of the Prophet to the people, Abu Bakr and Umar
went to the house of the Prophet and joined his relatives,
who were busy with the burial preparations.
Two informants then came and told them about
the Saqifa, whereupon the three, Abu Bakr, Umar, and Abu
Ubayda, ran to the Saqifa.
This version also does not appear to be correct because:
1: it presupposes that these three most
important companions were completely unaware of both the
serious tension, often conflict, which had been developing
over the last few years between the Muhajirun and the Ansar,
and the gravity of the situation under the circumstances;
2: itcontradicts Umar's statement that Ali and his supporters
separated themselves from the others and locked the door of
the house;
3: it is a tradition recorded only by Baladhuri,
and on a rather weak isnad.
The third version, which is repeatedly narrated by
all of our sources with the exception
of Ibn Saad, reports that after addressing the people regarding
Muhammad's death, Abu Bakr, along with Umar and Abu
'Ubayda, went to the house of; most probably, Abu Ubayda.
There they met to deliberate on the critical leadership crisis
which had arisen owing to the death of the Prophet, and
certainly keeping in view the resentful feelings of the Ansar
which had been developing for quite some time. It was
there that the council of the Muhajirun was interrupted by
an informant who rushed in to tell them what the Ansar were
doing. Hearing that, Abu Bakr, Umar, and Abu Ubayda
rushed to the Saqifa to prevent any unexpected development.
Returning again to Umar's speech, we are told:
"I told Abu Bakr that we should go to our brothers the Ansar, so we went off to go to them when two honest fellows [Uwaym bin Saida and Maan bin Adi] met us and told us of the conclusion the people had come to. They asked us where we were going, and when we told them they said that there was no need for us to approach them and we must make our own decision. I said, by God, we will go to them. And [when we arrived] we found them [the Ansar] in the hall of Banu Saida. In their midst was a man wrapped up. In answer to my inquiries, they said that he was Sad bin Ubada and that he was sick. When we sat down there, a speaker pronounced the Shahada and praised God as was fitting and then continued: 'We are God's Helpers and the squadron of Islam. You, O Muhajirun, are a family of ours and a company of your people have come to settle down [among us].' I [interrupted] said: And look, they were trying to cut us off from our origin and wrest authority from us.
When the Ansar's speaker finished, I wanted to speak, for I had prepared a speech in my mind which pleased me much. I wanted to produce it before Abu Bakr and to repulse the roughness and asperity of the speaker of the Ansar. But Abu Bakr said, 'Gently, Umar!' I did not like to anger him and so he spoke. He was a man with more knowledge and dignity than I, and by God he did not omit a single word which I had thought of and he uttered it in his inimitable way better than I could have done. Abu Bakr said: 'All the good that you have said about yourselves you duly deserve. But the Arabs will not recognize authority except in this tribe of Quraysh. They are the best and the noblest of the Arabs in descent, blood, and country [i.e. settled in the centre)'."
When the Ansar's speaker finished, I wanted to speak, for I had prepared a speech in my mind which pleased me much. I wanted to produce it before Abu Bakr and to repulse the roughness and asperity of the speaker of the Ansar. But Abu Bakr said, 'Gently, Umar!' I did not like to anger him and so he spoke. He was a man with more knowledge and dignity than I, and by God he did not omit a single word which I had thought of and he uttered it in his inimitable way better than I could have done. Abu Bakr said: 'All the good that you have said about yourselves you duly deserve. But the Arabs will not recognize authority except in this tribe of Quraysh. They are the best and the noblest of the Arabs in descent, blood, and country [i.e. settled in the centre)'."
An addition from Baladhuri completes Abu Bakr's speech
and shows further how he argued against the
Ansar: "We are the first people in Islam; and among the
Muslims, our abode is in the centre, our descent is noblest,
and we are nearer to the Prophet in relation; and you [Ansar]
are our brothers in Islam and our partners in religion; you
helped us, protected us and supported us, may God reward
you His best. So we are the rulers (umara') and you are the
deputies (wuzara'). The Arabs will not submit themselves
except to this clan of the Quraysh. Certainly a group from
among you [present] knows well that the Prophet said, 'The
leaders are from the Quraysh (al-a'immat-u min al-Quraysh),
therefore, do not compete with your Muhajir brothers in
what God has bestowed upon them."'
Now we return again to Umar's speech.
"[Abu Bakr said,] 'So I offer you one of two men; accept whichever you please.' Thus saying he took hold of my hand and that of Abu Ubayda b. al-Jarrah, who was sitting between us. Nothing he ever said displeased me more than that. By God, I would rather have come forward and have had my head struck off--if that were no sin-than rule over a people of whom Abu Bakr was one"
In Yaqubi's account, "[Abu Bakr said] The
Quraysh are closer to Muhammad than you, so here is Umar
b. al-Khattab, for whom the Prophet prayed, "O God, confirm
his faith," and the other is Abu Ubayda, whom the Prophet
declared "a trustee of this Umma"; choose either one whom
you like and pay homage to him.' But both of them refused
and said, 'We cannot take preference over you, you are the
companion of the Prophet and only second of the two [in the
cave at the time of the Hijra]."'
In one of Baladhuri's accounts
when Abu Bakr suggested the name of Umar, the
latter exclaimed: "And while you are alive? Who could set
you aside from your place in which the Prophet had installed
you?" Yaqubi describes Abu Ubayda as saying:
"O people of Ansar, you were the first to help [Islam] so do not
be the first to differ and change." Yaqubi continues: "Then
'Abd ar- Rahman b. 'Awf stood and said: 'You have your
merits, but you do not have [any one among you] like Abu
Bakr, Umar, and Ali.' On this, one of the Ansar, AI-Mundhir
b. Arqam, sharply replied: 'We do not reject the merits you
have mentioned; indeed there is among you one with whom
no one can dispute, if he seeks this authority, and that man is
'Ali b. Abi Talib."'
It was at this stage of suggestions and counter suggestions
by Abu Bakr, Umar, and Abu Ubayda for each other that
Al-Hubbab b. Mundhir from the Ansar offered a compromise
solution. Thus continues Umar:
"One of the Ansar said, 'I am the rubbing post and the fruitful propped-up palm [i.e. a man who can cure people's ills and is held in high esteem because of his great experience]. Let us have one ruler from among ourselves, and another ruler from among yourselves, O Quraysh.' Altercations waxed hotter and voices were raised until, when a complete breach was to be feared, I said,
Stretch forth your hand, Abu Bakr. He did so and I paid him homage; the Muhajirun followed and then the Ansar. [In doing so] we jumped on Sad bin Ubayda and someone said that we had killed him. I said, God kill him."
Stretch forth your hand, Abu Bakr. He did so and I paid him homage; the Muhajirun followed and then the Ansar. [In doing so] we jumped on Sad bin Ubayda and someone said that we had killed him. I said, God kill him."
Here ends Umar's historic speech, accepted by almost all
of those who wrote on the Saqifa. Before we proceed further
it might be of interest to note Umar's reply to Hubbab's
suggestion as it is recorded by Tabari in a separate
account narrated by Abu Mikhnaf: "Umar said: 'How
preposterous; two swords cannot be in one sheath. By God,
the Arabs will never agree to your authority while their
Prophet is from others [i.e. from ourselves]."'
It is also Tabari who records for us from one of
his most trusted and frequently cited authorities, Abu
Ma`shar, that even after Umar's homage to Abu Bakr, there
were still some of the Ansar who protested against the
decision and exclaimed: "We will not pay our homage to
anyone except Ali." But this and some other similar voices
were lost in the tumult and, following the examples of Umar
and Abu Ubayda, those of the Muhajirun present paid
homage to Abu Bakr, and were followed by the. Ansar for one
reason or another, as we shall see presently.
Before we describe the events which followed the assembly
of Saqifa, it would be helpful to examine briefly the complex
situation and unique circumstances which made Abu Bakr's
selection possible.
Firstly, clan rivalries among the Quraysh,
or among the Muhajirun in particular, made it easier for
them to accept the leadership of Abu Bakr-a man of an
insignificant branch, Banu Taym b. Murra. Because of its
inconspicuous place among Meccan ruling clans, Banu Taym
had never been involved in the power struggle and political
conflicts that had plagued the rival clans of the Quraysh.
Secondly, the Muhajirun, as a whole, were also fearful of the
possibility of Medinan domination should the' Muhajirun
involve themselves in their own clannish rivalries and
internecine fighting. To them Abu Bakr was thus the best
compromise candidate.
Thirdly, as far as the Ansar were
concerned, we should take note of the deep-rooted and old
enmity between the Banu Aws and the Banu Khazraj. Sad
b. Ubada was the chief of the Khazraj; the Banu Aws
accordingly found it much more tolerable and profitable to
submit themselves to a Qurayshite leader than to allow a chief
of the rival tribe to rule over them. This is evident from the
fact that the first among the Ansar to pay homage to Abu
Bakr was one of the chiefs of the Banu Aws, Usayd b.
Hudayr.
[Note: Description of him as a Khazraji leader must be a scribal error.]
According to Tabari, "Some of the
Aws, among them Usayd b. Hudayr, spoke among themselves,
saying, 'By God, if the Khazraj become rulers over you once,
they will continue to maintain this superiority over you and
will never let you have any share in it, so stand up and pay
homage to Abu Bakr.' Then they [the Aws] stood and paid
homage to Abu Bakr." We may also recall that this Usayd '0.
Hudayr was the only one from the Ansar who took part if' the
deliberations of the Muhajirun, certainly knowing of Sad b.
`Ubada's candidacy and thus acting against him and the
Khazraj.
As for the Banu Khazraj, they realized that their position
was far too weak to face a united front of the Muhajirun and
the Banu Aws, their old rivals, or rather enemies, in the city
politics of Medina . The constant wars and deadly feuds
between the Aws and the Khazraj are commonplace stories
of the ayyam al-`Arab ("Battle Days") literature. Thus the
Khazraj found it unwise to lag behind in giving support to
and gaining the favour of the ruling authority upon which
agreement had very nearly been reached. Moreover, Sad b.
`Ubada was envied by some of his own cousins or clansmen,
as was a common feature of the Arab clans; and according to
some the first who paid homage to Abu Bakr was Sad's own
cousin Bashir b. Sad. [Sources are not clear on who paid
homage first. Yaqubi says it was Bashir b. Sad, while
according to Baladhuri it was Usayd b. Hudayr.]
It is thus clear that as a result of group
politics, clan rivalries, and personal jealousies, Abu Bakr was
able to exact homage from most of the people. To these factors
must be added the overall impression in the sources that Abu
Bakr did enjoy a certain prestige and was held in high esteem
for his sobriety, old age, his close association with and support
of Muhammad, and his valuable services to Islam from the
very advent of the Prophet's mission.
Thus the impact of his
personality, which grew over the years under the Prophet,
should not be ignored in analysing the results of the Saqifa.
The material preserved in the sources also strongly suggests
that Abu Bakr and Umar had formed an alliance long before,
possibly with Abu Ubayda b. al-Jarrah as a third member,
and that these three did carry considerable weight and
influence in the newly emerging Islamic nobility, as well as in
group politics against the old Meccan aristocracy.
Finally,it must also be noted that Abu Bakr's succession was realized
neither through a free election in any sense of the term nor
through a free choice of the community. It was simply a
decision by a particular group from among the Muhajirun
which was hastily forced or thrust upon all others. Its success
was due only to the delicate existing group conflicts in
This is obvious from Umar's own statement quoted
above that, "Admittedly it was a hasty affair (falta) but God
averted the evil of it" The arguments advanced by Umar
and Abu Ubayda in favour of Abu Bakr-lineage in the
Quraysh, early conversion to Islam, long companionship to
the Prophet, services to the cause of Islam, and lastly his close
relationship to and the esteem in which he was held by
Muhammad, are in effect of the same nature as those
advanced in favour of Ali against Abu Bakr, and they
certainly lend more strength to Ali's claims than to those of
Abu Bakr. Abu Bakr's only exclusive claim to the succession-
his leadership of the prayer during the Prophet's illness-
reflects later theological colour, and the traditions pertaining
to it are often confused and contradictory.
Keeping in view the arguments and counter-arguments
at the Saqifa, the choice of Abu Bakr seems to have been
an accident of circumstances. The conflict between the
supporters and the opponents of Abu Bakr centred on
considerations of what is necessary under the circumstances,
and what ought to be. The former principle soon resulted in
the establishment of a mighty and sweeping caliphate-empire.
The latter principle of what ought to be led a group of the
community, though small, to develop its own interpretation
of Islamic ideals and polity.
The task of consolidation of Abu Bakr's authority as the
successor to the Prophet, however, was still far from complete
after the Saqifa meeting. Ali b. Abi Talib, the most important
candidate from the Prophet's family, as is unanimously
attested by sunni and shia sources alike, along with his Close
associates and the family of Hashim, was not even aware of
the decision taken in the Saqifa. They came to hear about it
only when, after securing homage at the Saqifa, Abu Bakr,
along with his supporters, came to the mosque of the Prophet
and an unusual tumult arose from the gathered mob.
[Note: We are not sure whether the demand of
homage from Ali and his supporters was made immediately after
they came to the mosque from the Saqifa, or after the burial of the
Prophet on the following day when general homage was being paid
to Abu Bakr. A careful reading of Baladhuri strongly suggests,
however, that it was demanded as soon
as they came to the mosque from the Saqifa.]
Though the timing of the events which followed is confused, it is
perhaps at this point that Ali and a number of his supporters
both from the Ansar and the Muhajirun assembled in
done. Besides numerous references to this effect, it is also
supported by the first part of Umar's speech when he said,
"And Ali and Zubayr with their companions withdrew from
us." Abu Bakr and Umar, fully aware of Ali's claims and also
of the respect he commanded in a certain group of the
companions, and fearing lest there be some serious reaction
on his and his partisans' part, summoned them to the mosque
to pay homage. They refused to come.
Umar, with his cut-and-thrust policy, advised Abu Bakr to act promptly before it
was too late. The two men marched to Ali's house with an
armed party, surrounded the house, and threatened to set it
on fire if Ali and his supporters would not come out and pay
homage to the elected caliph. Ali came out and attempted to
remonstrate, putting forward his own claims and rights and
refusing to honour Abu Bakr and Umar's demands. The
scene soon grew violent, the swords flashed from their
scabbards, and Umar with his band tried to pass on through
the gate. Suddenly Fatima appeared before them in a furious
temper and reproachfully cried:
"You have left the body of the Apostle of God with us and you have decided among yourselves without consulting us, and without respecting our rights. Before God, I say, either you get out of here at once, or with my hair dishevelled I will make my appeal to God."
[ Many versions of this tradition may be found in Baladhuri,
Yaqubi, Ibn Hadid Iqd, Imama wal Siyasa. Though its
attribution to Ibn Qutayba is incorrect, it is certainly a very early
work extremely rich in sources; and gives a very detailed account of the
episode of Umar and Abu Bakr's attack on the house of Fatima and
the force used to secure Ali's homage. See Vaglieri’s article
"Fatima", who, commenting on these events, says "Even if
they have been expanded by invented details, they are based on facts."]
This made the situation most critical, and Abu Bakr's band
was obliged to leave the house without securing Ali's
homage. He could not, however, resist for long and had to
yield before the growing pressure. The traditions vary and
are often contradictory as to when he was reconciled with
Abu Bakr. According to one or two very weak and isolated
traditions, which clearly reflect later theological tendency,
Ali paid homage to Abu Bakr instantly, only complaining
that he had not been consulted; according to some others he
did so the same day but under compulsion and with the
conviction that he had better claims to the office. But
according to the most commonly reported traditions, which
must be accepted as authentic because of overwhelming
historical evidence and other circumstantial reasons, Ali held
himself apart until the death of Fatima six months later.
Insisting that Ali should have been chosen, a number of
his partisans from among both the Ansar and the Muhajirun
who had delayed for some time in accepting Abu Bakr's
succession were fain to yield, however. They gradually, one
after the other, were reconciled to the situation and swore
allegiance to Abu Bakr. Their names and number vary in
different sources, but the most distinguished among them
and most commonly recorded by the majority of the sources
are as follows.
1 Hudhayfa b. al-Yaman, a Medinese halif of the Aws and a
most distinguished Companion of the Prophet. Known as a
great warrior who fought at Uhud and served the Prophet as
a special counsellor at Khandaq, his personal loyalty and
attachment to Ali remained unchanged even after his
allegiance to Abu Bakr. Before his death, he asked his two
sons to support Ali, which they did until they were killed at
the battle of Siffin while fighting for Ali against Muawiya.
2 Khuzayma b. Thabit, from the tribe of Aws, whom the
Prophet called "Dhu`sh-Shahadatayn", the one whose testi-
mony was worth that of two men. He fought alongside `Air at
the battles of Al-Jamal and Siffin and was killed in the latter
by Muawiya's army.
3 Abu Ayyub al-Ansari, whose father, Khalid b. Kulayb,
belonged to Banu Najjar and whose mother was from the
Khazraj. He was one of the most important Companions
among the Ansar and was the host of the Prophet in Medina
until his house was built. He fought for the cause of ~Ali in the
battles of Al-Jamal, Siffin, and Nahrawan.
4 Sahl b. Hunayf, from the tribe of Aws, who fought for the
Prophet at Badr and other battles. He was a great friend of
Ali, came with him from Medina to Basra , and fought at
Siffin. Ali appointed him governor of Persia .
5 Uthman b. Hunayf, brother of Sahl and a great favourite
of Ali, who appointed him governor of Basra .
6 Al-Bara'a b. Azib al-Ansari, from the tribe of Khazraj and
one of the aristocrats of Medina representing pro-'Alid Ansar.
He came with Ali to Kufa and fought for him at Al-Jamal,
Siffin, and Nahrawan.
7 Ubayy b. Kab, 76 from a branch of the Banu Khazraj and one
of the leading jurists and Quran readers among the Ansar.
8 Abu Dharr b. Jundab al-Ghifari, 77 one of the earliest followers
of Muhammad, an ascetic, and extremely devoted to piety.
He had always been a most vocal supporter of Ali and is one
of the four pillars of the first shia. The Caliph Uthman
exiled him to his birthplace, a small village known as Rabdha,
where he died.
9 Ammar b. Yasir, a south Arabian affiliated with the clan of
Makhzum of the Quraysh, an early convert to Islam, and one
of the four pillars of the first shia.
10 Al-Miqdad b. Amr, a south Arabian either from Kinda or
Bahra, adopted by a certain Aswad b. Abd Yathuth of the
Banu Makhzum. He was one of the seven early converts to
Islam and one of the four pillars of the first shia.
11 Salman al-Farisi, a Persian by origin and an ardent follower
and companion of the Prophet, who ransomed him from
slavery and adopted him as his mawla and member of the Ahl
al-Bayt. He had always been an ardent supporter of 'Air, and
his support to Ali at the time of Abu Bakr's selection has been
mentioned distinctly even by Baladhuri.
12 Az-Zubayr b. al-Awwam, one of the most distinguished
Companions of the Prophet from the Quraysh. He was the
most energetic supporter of Ali and no doubt sincere in his
enthusiastic attitude. He came out of the house of Fatima ,
sword in hand, when Umar arrived there and tried to force
those in the house to pay homage to Abu Bakr. A serious
encounter between him and Umar is recorded by almost all
of our historians. It was, however, only twenty-five years later
that ambition made him strive for the caliphate, which
resulted in the battle of al-Jamal between him and Ali.
Khalid b. Said, from the clan of Umayya, only third or
fourth after Abu Bakr to become Muslim, and the only one
from this clan who seriously resisted Abu Bakr's succession
in favour of Ali. As the representative of the Prophet, he was
at Sunh when Muhammad died. When he reached Medina
a few days after Abu Bakr's selection, he offered his allegiance
to Ali saying, "By God, no one among all the men is more
entitled to take the place of Muhammad than you." Though
Ali declined to accept his homage, Khalid refused to
recognize Abu Bakr for three months.
The seriousness of their opposition to or resentment of
Abu Bakr before they become reconciled to him is almost
impossible to ascertain, since the shia sources exaggerate this
to the extreme whereas the sunni sources try to ignore or
minimize it as much as possible. Historically it cannot be
denied, however, that these men formed the nucleus of the
first Alid party, or the shia. It cannot be claimed that all
were equally enthusiastic and warm supporters; some of them
were lukewarm supporters who recognized Ali's position as
the most worthy for the office of the caliphate because of his
personal merits, but nevertheless paid homage to Abu Bakr
without much resentment. The attitude of Ammar, Miqdad,
Abu Dharr, and Salman must have been different from that
of the others. These four companions are regarded by all the
shias as "the Four Pillars" (al-arkan al-arba’a) who formed
the first shia of Ali. After Ali's compromise with Abu Bakr,
however, reasons for further opposition on the part of his
supporters ceased to exist and this elite of the first shia
dwindled away physically. But can ideas, once introduced,
ever die out? The later years in the history of the development
of Islamic thought provide an answer to this question.
The discussion above will suffice to elucidate our view that
the origins of Shia feelings and inclinations may be found in
the conception of the sanctity for which the Banu Hashim
were widely known, in the special consideration with which
Ali was held by Muhammad (who was, above all, fully
conscious of his family's traditionally religious heritage and
exalted position), and lastly, in the events in favour of Ali
which took place during Muhammad's lifetime. Since the
first convergence of these convictions focused on the questions
and issues involved in the Saqifa incident, this episode marks
both the first open expression of and the point of departure
for what ultimately developed into the Shia understanding of
Islam.
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